
A brief history of the casamance

Image: fishermen returning to port on the Casamance river, the bridge to Bignona is visible in the background.
“To see the future, you need to understand our past”
- Ibrahim, research participant
INDEX
1600s-1885
1885-1960
1960-2007
2007-2024
. . . .
Kingdoms & european contact
French influence over the Casamance
Post-Independence & separatism
recent events
main historical takeaways

This section will give a brief overview of the history of the Casamance region. It is important to know some of the events that happened in the region in order to understand in which context this research has been done and the socio-political context in which the participants of this research live.
This section will cover some important events of the Casamance’s history, such as the first European records of the region through the Portuguese with its former kingdoms, the colonial period after the late 19th century, the post-colonial period after the 1960s and more recent events.
As will be explained, the region has been an important cultural crossroad in Western Africa with a rich history of resistance towards outside forces, which I argue still holds relevancy to this day and can also help to explain the current Casamance Conflict.
Kingdoms & european contact
The Casamance region has a long and diverse history, with the Bainuks being the first people to settle the region. Little is documented about the precise history of the Casamance before the arrival of the Portuguese in 1645, who sailed up the river Casamance and established a trading post in Ziguinchor (de Jong, 1994). The arriving Europeans took note of the people who lived in the region, making a distinction between who they referred to as the Bainuks and the Falupos, which the French would later refer to as the Floups, roughly translating to “swamp people” due to the mangroves that cover most of the lower Casamance (de Jong, 1994). These Falupos from the southern bank of the Casamance gradually moved to the north into Bainuk territory, causing the latter group to lose terrain. De Jong (1994) notes that this Falupo expansion did not happen through conquest but mostly through cultural assimilation between the two peoples.
The region has historically also been part of the state of Kaabu, initially being a strong military province of the Mali empire before becoming an independent kingdom after the fall of the Mali Empire in the sixteenth century. The state of Kaabu managed to survive until the 19th century, keeping many of the values from the Mali empire within their society, covering the current Gambia, Casamance and Guinea-Bissau (Canós-Donnay, 2019). According to Green (2019), the federation had a fierce warrior aristocracy, knows as the Nyantios, whose power and influence would influence the area for the upcoming centuries. Although Kaabu was referred to as a kingdom, it should be seen as a confederation of territories and people linked by ties of collaboration and subordination often prone to dynamic change, giving each province relative autonomy (Canós-Donnay, 2019).
When the Portuguese first arrived in the area of the Casamance, they were not welcomed with open arms. The Casamance was known in the early 17th century as a place where ships would routinely get robbed and their crews held for ransom by the people living in the area (Green, 2019). Nevertheless, as mentioned before, the Portuguese established a trading post in what is now Ziguinchor in 1645. Reports are conflicting about the origins of the city, with de Jong (1994) mentioning that it was a Portuguese trading post but other sources such as the city hall of Ziguinchor claiming that the town was founded by the Izguicho, a sub-group of the Bainuks and that the name of the city means “land of the Izguicho”, with “-or” being a suffix meaning “land of”. Another possible origin of the city’s name is based on a Portuguese phrase meaning “I descended and they cried”, although the city of Ziguinchor states that this is a less likely origin (Histoire De Ziguinchor | Mairie Ziguinchor, 2024).
During the early 19th century, the Portuguese present in the Casamance reported that almost all the inhabitants of the Lower Casamance were Falupos (de Jong, 1994). During the 1840s, the region experienced some social and religious change. Historically, the region has been following local animist religions but this changed during the 1840s when Muslim influence from the North slowly crossed the Gambia and reached the territories of the Northern Casamance (Nugent, 2007). This led to clashes between the Mandika from the Gambia, who were predominantly Muslim, and the Jolas from the Casamance, who followed animist beliefs. According to Nugent (2007), these battles, which were fought between the northern bank of the Casamance and the southern bank of the Gambia, lasted for three decades with little gain on either side. This power struggle stopped around 1875, when the last Sonkike king from the Gambia was forced to convert to Islam. However, this conversion created a new type of Muslim warlords, who carried out raids against the Jola populations in the Casamance. One of the most notable warlords was Fondé Sylla, from current-day Gambia.
These raids were cyclical in nature, with warlords raiding Jola villages during the harvest season when the crops were ripe and the cattle were fat, allowing warlords to capture significant amounts of food and people (Nugent 2007). Sylla captured villages as well, building mosques in the new territories and posting talibés to spread Islamic values. This caused tensions with the British and the French, who had their own interests in the region.

French influence over the Casamance
The French got possession of all trade in the Casamance region after the Berlin Conference in 1885. Portugal transferred ownership of Ziguinchor to the French in the following year (de Jong, 1994). To counter the warlord Sylla, the French recruited a Wolof strongman, who captured villages in the Casamance in the name of the French command (Nugent, 2007). During this time, the French administration brought over more Wolofs from the North to run the administration in Ziguinchor and the trading island Carabane, at the mouth of the Casamance River (de Jong, 1994). The European and Wolof settlers present in the region designated the local people of the Casamance as the Jola or Diola, both spellings are used. The origin of the name is unknown but it was first written down by the French in the first half of the 19th century to refer to the people living in the Casamance. The colonial administration appointed village chiefs to the villages in the Casamance, which according to traditional values would be governed by a council of elders instead of an appointed leader. The appointed leaders were often of Manding origin and were referred to by the administration as Dyula, originating from a Wolof word (de Jong, 1994). De Jong also makes an argument that before the implementation of a village chief, there was no united Casamançais identity (1994). The villages in the region functioned as independent communities whose council of elders would only organise meetings when necessary.
The designation also allowed the establishment of an ethnic hierarchy, not unlike how colonial administrations organised their other African territories. The term Jola rose to relevance when people migrated from the inner Casamance to Ziguinchor and started to interact and exchange with the Europeans and people from the North, designating those native to the region with the name. These Jola often lived at the edges of Ziguinchor, whereas the French and Wolof lived closer to the commercial centre of the city due to their trade in the region.
During this period, the Jolas expressed their disapproval of the colonial administration in various ways, such as refusing to pay taxes to the French. The French colonial administration gauged their control over the region through the amount of taxes they received. The people from the Casamance organised resistance during the First and Second World War, during which many Senegalese men, were forcefully recruited into the French army as Tirailleurs Sénégalais (Senegalese Riflemen) and resources were looted. During the Second World War, a young Casamançaise market woman named Aline Sitoe Diatta (1920-1944) became a local icon when she encouraged resistance against the French and their use of Senegalese men and resources to help support the war. She was arrested by the authorities in 1943 and died of disease in a prison in Mali. Her struggle has also been used by the MFDC to promote their separatist agenda in the Casamance (Toliver-Diallo, 2005).

Post-Independence & separatism
The dissatisfaction with those in power, mostly the Wolofs from the North, in the Casamance, remained in the post-war and post-independence eras in the 1960s. During the second half of the 20th century, many of the people native to the Casamance moved to the cities. The wetlands along the river dried up during this period and people tried looking for new sources of income, mostly notably in Ziguinchor, Banjul and Dakar (Nugent, 2007). This move towards urban centres further reinforced the creation of a “Jola identity”, as many natives to the Casamance became aware of their marginalised place in Senegalese society due to its “Wolofization”, despite the fact that Jolas were generally perceived to be better educated than the average in Senegal. This had a psychological effect as a sense of inferiority to the Jolas, who claimed that their lands were still being colonised by the people in the North of Senegal, which further fuelled Casamançais nationalism and that the Casamance was culturally divorced from Senegal, most notably due to the presence of the Gambia, which virtually cut the country in two (Nugent, 2007).
During the 1970s and 1980s, the region was under-developed by the Senegalese government, despite the presence of fertile agricultural grounds and natural reserves of oil and gas, creating further population shifts towards urban areas such as Ziguinchor and Dakar. This led to many, mostly young, adults finding themselves in difficult social and economic positions, creating horizontal inequalities between them and their peers in the North of Senegal. In 1982, the residents of Ziguinchor decided to act against these inequalities and organised a peaceful protest denouncing the government’s underdevelopment of the region (de Jong, 1999).
This protest in December of 1982 was carefully organised during secret meetings by young adults of the region in combination with local leaders such as Sanoune Bodian, a committe-member of the local football club Allez-Casa, and the Abbé Senghor, the founder of the original MFDC in 1949 but which dissolved in the mid 1950s (Sene & Faye, n.d.). These meetings were initially organised in Ziguinchor under the guise of gatherings of Casa-Sport, being part of Allez-Casa, before being organised in the sacred forest of Diabir, a short distance away from Ziguinchor. This also allowed the new MFDC to gain more followers as the forests hold a large cultural and religious significance in the region. A peaceful march was organised for the 25th of December 1982. Pamphlets were spread by the MFDC and between a few hundred to a few thousand people joined the march heading towards the local government administration. Many men were dressed in traditional Jola clothes, with women being dressed in white and carrying amulets with them, giving the march a pacifistic and therefore legitimate look as it was “led by the mothers” (Sene & Faye, n.d.). Violence still erupted after the march passed the police station of Ziguinchor, where clashes left one police officer and between 16 to 25 protesters dead. Following this violent turn, hundreds of people were arrested in Ziguinchor but also in the departments of Oussouye and Bignona. This led to the creation of the Atika, meaning fighting arrow in Jola, the armed group of the MFDC (Sene & Faye, n.d.). This armed group started to carry out guerilla attacks against government forces by hiding and organising themselves in the sacred forests. These attacks occurred to such an extent that by 1990, the Casamance crisis had turned into a civil war (Theobald, 2015). Like the clashes between warlords such as Fondé Sylla and colonial forces in the 19th century, this conflict was also cyclical in nature, with the MFDC mostly raiding villages and government positions during the harvest season. During other periods, there were little to no instances of violence recorded for weeks or months. Still, this violence caused many people living in the rural areas of the Basse-Casamance to flee to the cities or the neigbouring Gambia and Guinea-Bissau to avoid being caught between the government forces and the MFDC (Evans, 2019). As of the 2020s, the MFDC has become a splintered organisation due to a loss of central leadership after the death of the Abbé Senghor in 2007. Commanders from the Atika split from each other due to differences in ideology, with others laying down their weapons after goverment negociations with certain commanders (Ngom & Sene, 2021).

Recent events
As of the time of writing, the Casamance Conflict has been classified as a low-intensity conflict with few attacks being reported in recent years. Notable cases of recorded violence in the recent years of the conflict were for example an MFDC attack on a village called Bofa, approximately 12 kilometres to the South-East of Ziguinchor and 2 kilometres from the border with Guinea-Bissau (Ngom & Sene, 2021). This attack left an unknown number of civilians dead and three men were caught and imprisoned for life for the attack (Fall, 2022). The Senegalese government launched a new anti-insurgency operation in the region in 2021, which resulted in the surrender of MFDC commander Cesar Atoute Badiate in Guinea-Bissau in August 2022 (Agence France-Presse, 2022) as well as the surrender of 250 MFDC fighters on the 13th of May 2023 (Ba, 2023).
Even though many former MFDC fighters might surrender, fights still occur. Two MFDC fighters were killed by the Senegalese army in October 2023 in the North of the Bignona department while trying to place a landmine along a road (Ndiaye, 2023). On the 5th of December, a sept-places, a taxi between cities being able to transport up to seven people, was attacked in the region of Sindian, also North of Bignona, when rebels opened fire on the vehicle, leaving 4 wounded (Ndiaye, 2023b). On the 15th of December 2023, three soldiers were injured and four died when their vehicle hit an anti-tank mine 3 kilometres away from the border with the Gambia and roughly 60 kilometres North of Ziguinchor (X.com, n.d.). On the 28th of June 2024, three soldiers were charged with collaborating with the MFDC by the tribunal of Dakar. The Army accused them of voluntarily leading their men on the wrong path during a patrol in 2022 in order to lead them into an MFDC ambush, according to intercepted radio messages (Ba, 2024).

Main historical takeaways
In sum, it can be argued that the Casamance region is a historically diverse region, being a crossroad for various cultures to meet and exchange. This can be seen in the way that various people have settled in the region, such as the Falupos, Mandikas and Jolas among others as well as the European colonisers and Wolofs at a later point in history. This mixing of people allowed for a rich exchange both in trade and culture, such as religious exchanges, with Islam gradually becoming a more dominant religion in the region instead of the local animist beliefs after the increasing influence of people coming from the north, such as the Mandika, but also the arrival of Christianity through the Portuguese and French colonisers.
It is also important to note that the notion of “warriors” has also been very relevant throughout the history of the Casamance, with the region being known for its warrior aristocracy dating back to the Mali empire as well as the presence of warlords in the region during the 19th century and the people’s near-constant resistance against the colonisers in the region. As of today, the presence of the MFDC carries on this resistance against government forces with the aim of creating an independent Casamance. Interestingly enough, there are a number of similarities between the actions of the MFDC and those of the warlords present in the region a century before the creation of the MFDC. When looking at the history of the region, it can therefore be argued warriors have always had a presence in Casamançais culture.
Even though I previously referred to culture, the idea of a united Casamançais identity emerged only after the arrival of colonial powers. Before, the region was considered as a loose confederation of territories, each governing their own areas and only meeting in councils whenever it was deemed necessary in order to solve common problems.
It can therefore be argued that the Casamance is historically a region that does not belong to a single group of people but is was being used as a shared space among many different peoples. However, these people would unite in order to resist powers coming from outside the region which would attempt to take control over the region, which has been met with violent resistance on nearly each occasion throughout history, all the way up to the present day, and which has helped to shape their current identity.

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